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The AIR Center for Integrating Education and Prevention Research in Schools
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| Mission | ||||
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Public health and public education have historically operated with remarkable independence from each other. The mission of the AIR Center for Integrating Education and Prevention Research in Schools (Ed/Prev Center) is to bring together concepts, methods, and substantive findings from public health prevention science and education research. The Center's mission is to advance educational and healthy development of individuals and of populations, in the context of multiple levels of influence: the level of the individual; the level of the main social fields relevant at each stage of life, such as family, school, peer group, and work place; the level of the community; the level of the broader social and economic structure; and the level of cultural context.
The Center's mission will continue to be accomplished through the following activities: 1) Design, implement, and test integrated education and prevention programs through rigorous randomized field trials, that yield evidence-based education and prevention programs, and that add to knowledge about the causes and prevention of academic, behavioral, and psychological problems and disorders. 2) Design and test methods of putting into practice on a community and population scale the scientifically supported practices identified through this research. 3) Design and test unified systems for integrating education and preventive services beginning with the universal level and integrating with back-up selective, indicated, and reparative/treatment services needed to support child and student development. 4) Train the next generation of inter-disciplinary investigators, policy makers, and service providers necessary for this broad mandate. 5) Contribute scientific evidence to inform the policies needed to institutionalize the integration of education and public health prevention science and programs at the international, national, state, and local levels. |
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| Back to Top | Scientific Foundation of the Ed/Prev Center (a brief summary) | |||
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Over the last three decades the intimate relationships between these two large and vital areas of human and societal development-- education and health-- have been well documented, in part through what has come to be named developmental epidemiological research. This strategy involves following defined cohorts of individuals in their ecological contexts over stages of life to determine early antecedents and developmental paths leading to health or illness and social adaptation or maladaptation (Kellam and Ensminger, 1980; Kellam and Rebok, 1992; Kellam, Koretz, Moscicki, 1999; Kellam and Langevin, 2003). Evidence from such studies has consistently identified specific antecedent risk factors at least as early as first grade as predictive of later substance abuse and co-morbid mental and behavioral disorders during the middle school years and beyond (Cairns, Cairns, & Neckerman, 1995; Farrington, 1995; Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; Hawkins, Doueck, & Lishner, 1988; Kellam, Brown, Rubin, & Ensminger, 1983; Reid, 1993; Reid & Eddy, 1997). Many of these antecedents are exhibited in the school setting, such as aggressive, disruptive behavior in first grade and its strong correlate, poor academic achievement. These early risk factors can lead to later substance abuse and school dropout, which have considerable economic, social, and psychological consequences (Dishion, Capaldi, & Yoerger, 1999; Eddy, Reid, & Fetrow, 2000; Eddy, Reid, Stoomiller, & Fetrow, 2003; Hawkins et al., 1992; Kellam et al., 1983; Kellam, Mayer, Rebok, & Hawkins, 1998; Maguin & Loeber, 1996; Mrazek & Haggerty, 1994; Reid, Eddy, Fetrow, & Stoolmiller, 1999).
These risk factors are also strongly related to a host of other risk factors that separately or together are predictive during adolescence and young adulthood of not only drug abuse, but also conduct disorders and violence, depression, school drop out, and high-risk sexual behaviors. Ineffective parenting around discipline and homework; classrooms with high levels of aggressive, disruptive behavior; antisocial classmates and peers; poverty at the family level and at the school and community levels, and individual differences such as sensation seeking (Wills, Sandy, & Yaeger, 2000; Palmgreen, Donohew, Lorch, Hoyle, & Stephenson, 2001), all have been found to increase the risk of drug abuse and related comorbid problems (Ary et al., 1999; Dishion et al., 1999; Kellam, Ling, Meriska, Brown, & Ialongo, 1998; Reid, Patterson, & Snyder, 2002). Developmental epidemiologically based, randomized field trials have directed interventions at decreasing the early risk factors in the classroom, family, and peer-group settings. Our strategy has been to conduct carefully designed, epidemiologically based, randomized field trials beginning in first grade and to target specific sets of SAS risk factors in stages. In the three generations of preventive trials in Baltimore our first stage has been to test interventions separately; the second stage to test combinations; and now in the third stage to fully integrate the preventive interventions with one another and with the actual quality of a teacher's instructional and classroom management practices. The first stage involved the matching of schools in clusters and random assignment of schools to intervention or standard program (control condition) and randomization of teachers to classrooms within schools, with balancing of children across classrooms, and the random assignment of classrooms to intervention conditions. The second and third generations involved within school designs, with random assignment of teachers, children, and classrooms to intervention or standard program conditions. It has required a full partnership with the Baltimore City Public School System, under their aegis and that of the Baltimore Teachers Union, as well as the strong support and active consent of the parents. The Baltimore trials and others with rigorous designs indicate that school-based universal interventions (i.e., those addressing all children, not merely those at higher risk) can have short- and long-term beneficial effects on aggressive behavior and achievement (Dolan et al., 1993; Ialongo et al., 1999; Reid, et al., 1999), off-task behavior (Brown, 1993a, 1993b), and depressive symptoms (Kellam, Rebok, Mayer, Ialongo, & Kalodner, 1994). Impact has been reported from first grade interventions leading to reduced aggression in middle school (Kellam, Rebok, Ialongo, & Mayer, 1994; Kellam, Ling et al., 1998), delinquency (Eddy et al., 2000), and substance use (Eddy et al., 2003). Longer-term impact has been reported in meta-analyses on illicit drug use by Nan Tobler and colleagues (1986; 2000; Tobler et al., 2000) plus other meta-analyses (Derzon & Lipsey, 1999; Gorman, 1995). Higher-fidelity implementation of the interventions also led to higher impact (Ialongo et al., 1999, Ialongo, Poduska, Werthamer, & Kellam, 2001). Further, we have found compelling evidence that these universal interventions often have the greatest impact on those at highest risk of substance abuse and aggression (Brown & Liao, 1999; Curran & Muthèn, 1999; Muthèn & Curran, 1997; Muthèn et al., 2002; Stoolmiller, Eddy, & Reid, 2000). |
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| Back to Top | History Leading to the Development of the Ed/Prev Center | |||
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The research carried out by the Ed/Prev Center has its origins in the neighborhood of Woodlawn, an African-American community on Chicago's Southside. In the fall of 1963 the Woodlawn Mental Health Center was formed as a mental health services and research agency. It was funded by the City, the State, and the University of Illinois at first, then by the University of Chicago. It was strongly monitored by the local neighborhood social and political organizations, particularly The Woodlawn Organization (TWO), a political activist consortium of 110 neighborhood community organizations, such as churches, block clubs, the businessmen's organization, and the local welfare union. Saul Alinsky, President of the Industrial Areas Foundation, and community organizer who aided the development of TWO, has been a profoundly important influence on the principles of community ownership and collaboration adhered to by the staff of the Mental Health Center and over the ensuing four decades [2 REFS KELLAM and BRANCH ET AL ABOUT 1971 OR SO; DEPT of Justice ref recent]. The Woodlawn Mental Health Center Board was formed at the start of this first center. It was comprised of the leaders of the local neighborhood social and political organizations in TWO, but including the more middle class Woodlawn organizations traditionally less activist than TWO. The agreement with the Board leaders, and through them, their constituencies, was that the research done by the Center's staff would be in the service of the neighborhood's fulfilling its aspirations. All research projects and methods would receive prior scrutiny and modification to insure this role in serving neighborhood goals within local cultural norms.
Although little was known about prevention science or effective prevention programs at that time, the mandate from the Board was to direct research at the problem of helping children reach their full potential, particularly in school. Preventing school failure and behavioral and mental disorders was felt by the Board to be strongly related to later schooling and success or failure in the lives of their children. This was in stark contrast to the hopes of the neighborhood health and social service agencies whose agency headquarters were outside of Woodlawn, and whose leaders hoped for a back-up by the new Mental Health Center for their mentally ill clients. Woodlawn Mental Health Center services programs for the ill, based in churches and other community settings as well as in the Center, were to come later, but only after research into prevention and promotion for children was well underway. The first problem was that little if any rigorous data existed in 1964 in regard to early risk factors for later mental, educational, or behavioral problem outcomes. With the Board's support, the first developmental epidemiological randomized field trial was begun in 1964 in all first grade classrooms of the 9 public and three Catholic parochial schools in the neighborhood. Schools were matched into pairs and a program tested consisting of a psychiatrist or psychologist assigned as classroom meeting leader and as consultant to each first grade teacher in a randomly chosen intervention school from each of the pairs of schools. From the 1964-65 school year through 1968-69 four cohorts of first grade children participated in this design. The third cohort has been followed up in third grade, then age 16-17, and then at ages 31 and 42. These last two follow-up efforts have been led by Margaret Ensminger, PhD., one of the early senior leaders of the Woodlawn Mental Health Center. In November, 1982 Kellam moved to the then Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health and developed an NIMH funded Prevention Research Center in strong partnership with the Baltimore City Public School System (BCPSS), with the same agreement developed with the community of Woodlawn. Research to be done would be rigorous, but in the interest of the mission of the BCPSS, as well as contributing to public health prevention science. In March, 2000 Kellam came full-time to AIR, where the tradition of education research allowed the integration of public health prevention science and education research concepts and methods in the form of the Center for Integrating Education and Prevention Research in Schools. He had just retired as Professor Emeritus from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, where he had carried out with colleagues two prior generations of preventive trials under the aegis of the BCPSS starting in 1984. Kellam was followed soon by Jeanne Poduska, ScD, deputy director, who received her doctorate from the School of Public Health and had a long history with the BCPSS/Hopkins based prevention research in schools. Carla Ford, PhD, joined as chief of school-based interventions, with over 32 years experience in child development and curriculum and instruction in BCPSS. Natalie Keegan joined the Ed/Prev team as coordinator of community and institutional base-building and co-ordinator of the family/classroom partnership component of the current trial, after long experience in community base-building and earlier work on the BCPSS/Hopkins based preventive trials. Amy Windham, ScD, received her doctoral degree also from the School of Public Health and came to the Ed/Prev Center as chief of field assessments and as a scientific collaborator in the design and testing of new programs. Hendricks Brown, PhD, working from the University of South Florida and director of the prevention science methodology group (PSMG) joined in the development of the Center as a senior collaborator, after many years of collaborating in Chicago and then in BCPSS in randomized field trials. John Reid also joined the team developing the Center from his base in Eugene, Oregon, at the Oregon Social Learning Center. As the phases of the Center development proceeded, others have joined in various roles. Three generations of preventive trials have been carried out by the Ed/Prev team in partnership withBCPSS. The first two generations were administered from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Prevention Research Center. The third and current trial is based at AIR in the Ed/Prev Center. In the 1st generation, we used a separate theory driven intervention aimed at each of two correlated proximal target risk factors-- poor academic achievement and aggressive, disruptive behavior in first grade school children. These two risk factors were substantiated over the last three decades as antecedents of later depression, drug abuse, school failure, and antisocial outcomes. Mastery Learning (a curriculum, instruction method) was directed at poor achievement, and the Good Behavior Game (a classroom management method) was directed at aggressive, disruptive behavior. The research was designed to determine if improving achievement led to improved behavior and/or the reverse, and if by improving either or both, the risk of the long term outcomes could be improved Using RFTs in this way allows such field trials to inform etiology by testing the causal role of the proximal risk factor and to provide evidence-based prevention programs. In the 2nd generation, these two interventions were combined to answer whether the combination yielded results that were synergistic (more than the sum of the predicted outcomes), additive (merely the sum of results of each), or redundant (no additional benefit from the two interventions beyond one of them). In addition, a Family-Classroom Partnership intervention was tested separately. In the 3rd generation, the Ed/Prev team and the BCPSS partners are combining three components previously tested separately (the Whole Day (WD) Program for First Grade Classrooms ) to test their effectiveness in preventing school failure, drug abuse, and the other problem outcomes. In the same design, we are following teachers over consecutive cohorts of first grade children to test whether a multi-level model of mentoring and monitoring teachers can lead to institutionalizing the WD. |
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| Back to Top | Phases of Development of the Ed/Prev Center | |||
The phases of development of the Center began with strengthening and enlarging the community and institutional base in Baltimore, in order for the school district and community leaders to negotiate the next generation of mutual interests with AIR Ed/Prev Center scientific staff, to establish appropriate community and institutional ownership and sponsorship, and to apply for research grants. Major phases include the following:
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| Back to Top | Scientific Strategies for Education/Prevention Science | |||
Over the last three decades, major progress has been made in developing and applying a set of scientific strategies for prevention research trials on drug abuse, aggression and violence including antisocial personality disorder, HIV infection, tobacco use, alcohol related highway fatalities and other social maladaptive, and psychiatric outcomes. These strategies all are based on rigorous designs, most often utilizing randomization. They all entail defining the population epidemiologically, thus controlling selection bias and allowing the study of variation, not merely averages in analyses. They each have potential for application to education research, and indeed have often involved the integration of education and prevention research. Four main prevention research strategies have become apparent (Kellam and Langevin, available at this web sitel) when we take a broad view of the public health prevention field:
These prevention science strategies provide a scientific foundation for the integration of prevention science with education research. The Ed/Prev Center team makes most use of the developmental epidemiological strategy, our work also will involve other strategies as these become the best approaches for research questions of the future. While prevention scientists have begun to address risk factors using each of the strategies discussed above, many more risk factors require attention. A growing number of randomized preventive trials have already demonstrated malleability of specific targeted early risk factors (such as low achievement or aggressive behavior), with consequent reduced risk of the potential problem outcome such as drug abuse, school failure, or delinquency. Education/preventive trials can test theory-driven causal models by aiming at hypothesized causal early antecedents, determining if they can be improved, and if so whether the risk of the problem outcome is reduced. Such trials can build theory as well as provide useful preventive and education outcomes (Kellam and Rebok, 1992; Kellam, Koretz, and Moscicki, 1999). Like prevention science more broadly, the Ed/Prev Center must be interdisciplinary in order to discover and experimentally manipulate the potential target risk factors at levels from the individual to the cultural. We must integrate the disciplines concerned with human development, risky behavior, and educational, mental, behavioral, and social health. Educational, biological, psychological, sociological, economic, bio-statistical, and anthropological perspectives are all needed to understand and prevent educational, mental, and behavioral disorders and to promote human development. Integrating quantitative with qualitative methodologies is essential in the pursuit of prevention science. Indeed, the focus of the Ed/Prev Center must be as much about research methods as substance. |
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| Back to Top | The Theoretical Framework of the Center | |||
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The theoretical framework of the Center rests on two foundations: developmental epidemiology and life course/social field theory. Developmental epidemiology can be defined as following cohorts in a population over time and stages of life to determine variation in developmental pathways and the factors in the individual and/or the multiple levels of environment that influence the variation. Carefully defining the population allows controlling selection bias. This type of epidemiology* focuses on fairly small populations within their natural environments such as the neighborhood, school, community, or factory work force. Combined with a developmental perspective, community epidemiology allows the study of variation in developmental paths of children who grow toward academic failure or success, socially adaptive or maladaptive behaviors, and mental health or disorders. Thus, developmental epidemiology seeks to explain variation in antecedents, moderators, and outcomes. The identification of early mediating or moderating antecedents of later developmental outcomes allows directing an intervention at the antecedent target, and the testing of its hypothesized etiological role through randomized experimental intervention trials.
The developmental epidemiological approach can encompass the nested influences that culture, broader social structure, community, and specific small social fields such as classroom and peer group have on the social task demands and the variation in adaptive responses of individuals. The prevention strategies outlined in the preceding section can all be applied within this framework, with the primary focus on the small social fields and individual variation in meeting the social task demands. The theoretical framework through which the developmental epidemiological approach is applied is that of life course/social field theory (Kellam, Branch, Agrawal, & Ensminger, 1975; Kellam and Ensminger, 1980; Kellam and Rebok, 1992; see Life Course/Social Field graphic attached). The central concept is that at each stage of life individuals are involved in a few main social fields, such as the parental family, then the classroom and peer group in the younger years. Later, the intimate/marital and work social fields become more salient. In each social field there are social task demands specific to that social field. In the classroom, sit still, pay attention, and learn are important demands, while in the play ground playing with appropriate control of physical aggression and playing according to the rules of the game are important. The adequacy of our responses to the various demands we face is a judgment external to the individual, rated by others empowered by their role to make such ratings. These natural raters, as we have named them include parents in the family, teachers in the classroom, peers in the peer group, supervisors at work, and partners or spouses in the intimate, or marital social field. This process of demand/response is called social adaptation, and ratings of the adequacy of one's performance in these social tasks as judged by one's natural raters is termed social adaptational status(SAS). How one responds to the social task demands and how the natural rater views the adequacy of responses is conceptually distinct from how one feels psychologically. This latter concept is called psychological well-being (PWB). It includes internal states such as anxiety, depression, and self-esteem. If we intend to study the relationships between SAS and PWB, it is crucial to measure SAS and PWB separately in order to avoid confounding one with the other. Although these two domains are hypothetically highly interrelated, problems in each may, and often do, have very different long-term outcomes (SXDRUG; FSDELR; GBGAGG; ACHDEP REFS). Within the framework of life course/social field theory, there are several basic predictions about change:
The WD intervention currently being tested in Baltimore is directed at the classroom social field. Hypothetically, improving teacher instructional practices, classroom management, and parent/classroom partnering around homework and behavior should result in improved social adaptational performance by the children, and this in turn should improve their psychological well-being as well as their later SAS in school as well as in other later social fields. |
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Copyright © 2004 Center for Integrating Education and Prevention Research in Schools |
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